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How can we hope to understand Lenin's party state—its organizational structure; its hostility to spontaneous, demo cratic bodies like the soviets;21 its attitudes toward repression, class collaboration, and compromise; or its sense of mission as an agency of historical transformation—without understanding the theory of rev olutionary strategy upon which Lenin's conception of the Bolshevik party rested. After all, his vision of the party contained, in embryonic form, all of the essential characteristics of the Soviet state.
Otherwise, it would be illogical to assert that the Chinese Revolution was possible only because of the "struc tural contradictions and conjunctural occurrences" she describes. But how, then, are we to understand the success of the Vietnamese Com munists who followed Mao's strategy virtually to the letter despite the absence of roving mercenary bands in the Vietnamese countryside, despite the absence of a warlord system, despite the smaller geographic scale of the revolution, and despite the technologically more sophisti cated and vastly better equipped armies of the comprador regimes?
This seems only natural, for if one believes that revolutions occur by necessity, it follows that their causes cannot be discovered and studied in other bodies of evidence. As the historian James Joll explains: When a revolution succeeds, historians are concerned to trace its roots and unravel its origins and development, so that, very often, the whole chain of events leading to it over many decades is represented as an inevitable process, and each idea or episode is judged by the extent to which it helped or hindered the final result....
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